Wednesday, January 8, 2014

page heard: response to mamdani's article


I too have a lot of respect for Prof Mamdani, and the work he has done counter-acting the sensationalism of the Enough Project over the Darfur Crisis. Especially in illustrating the fact that the issue not as simplistic as a black and arab crisis or genocide, but that there is a political and ecological issues that also explain the conflict. I wish that he had taken the less simplistic argument for the crisis in South Sudan as well.

This article though, really pissed me off…and I would like to address some of the key issues with the article;

The immediate background to the current crisis is the declining support for Kiir, ….. Before Kiir dismissed them from their respective leadership positions, at least three in the party leadership had publicly declared their intention to run against him in the coming elections. One was Machar, second in the state-party leadership, the second person was the secretary-general of the party, Pagan Anum. And the third was Rebecca Garang, the widow of the late SPLA leader.


This statement has to be qualified…declining support from whom? While it is true that Kiir’s popularity and support within the SPLM is not what it used to be, it is not clear that any one side holds a majority. The SPLM party structures allow for the removal of the chairman by 2/3 vote by members of the National Liberation Council and they can call for an extraordinary meeting to do so.

The Chairperson may be removed by the NC in an extraordinary session convened on the request of at least two thirds (2/3) of members of the NLC for violation of this Constitution or gross misconduct provided that the resolution for the removal of the Chairperson shall be carried by three quarters (¾) of all members of the National Convention.” SPLM manifesto, 2008

This has not happened to date and the December meeting of the NLC, in fact confirmed Pagan’s removal from position of SeCy.  This shows that there is no ‘majority’ support for Machar or his agenda. This was also clearly illustrated during his removal as VP. Most of us in South Sudan feared a return to conflict but there has always been a veneer of mistrust over Machar, given his history in SPLM and there was unrest or people calling for his reinstatement. Most people I know feel that Wanni Igga (the current VP) should have been the VP from the very beginning, given his history within the SPLM.  If there was majority support for Machar and his agenda, we should have seen this at during time the national reconciliation committee that he led was cancelled, when the executive powers granted him by Kiir were removed, and later during his firing as VP.

I am assuming Mamdani is talking about declining support from the party. Because I would hesistate to say that any of the three named figures have ‘widespread’ support of the general public. Nyandeng’s legacy as minister of roads and transport was one of self-enrichment and was rife with lack of accountability. Pagan is currently under investigation for corruption, and while I do believe he is being scape-goated because of his stated intention to run at the 2015 election –it is difficult to determine if he even has enough support within SPLM for this to happen- there are elements of truth in these charges.  I am saying he is being scapegoated because he is not the only corrupt official who should to be facing charges.

“With the majority in the party against him, Kiir decided to use the structures of the state to dismantle whatever still remained of the organs of the party. The occasion for this came when his opponents demanded that he disband the Presidential Unit that he had set up, which he placed not only outside regular army structures but also, more or less, under his own control. According to those opposed to Kiir, though he agreed to do so, he began by disarming only Nuer soldiers in the unit. When they resisted, he claimed it was an attempted coup.”
Alas, again, the word, majority. This explanation of the events of Dec 15th seem to be from Dr. Adwok Nyaba’s ‘root causes’ article which is questionable. There are many versions of what inspired the events that have led us here and at this point, e.g just this one article has more than one version…
Anyone who’s lived in Juba knows how quickly rumours spread and barring a full investigation; it is difficult to ascertain what actually happened. I think it is unfortunate to peddle one version of events in the meantime. Mamdani does not mention when this disarming of Nuer soldiers happened- was it immediately after the walkout at the NLC meeting? Did it happen during? Did it spontaneously occur during the night? What is the ethnic identity of who shot first?  At this point it is irresponsible to make this a DInka-Nuer issue. The composition of the Presidential Guard is both Nuer and DInka- whether or not the guards are under the direct control of the president is irrelevant – unless Mamdani wants to claim that it was a force bigger than the regular army, and therefore a threat to the entire country.
When Kiir unilateraly dismissed both the vice chair and the secretary-general of the party, along with other senior officials, from leadership positions, the move did away with structures of accountability in both the party and the state. It also destroyed whatever conflict resolution machinery existed at both levels.
This makes no sense at all. Kiir dismissed Machar in his position as Vice-President.  The vice-president serves at the discretion of the president- according to the 2011 constitution of South Sudan. As do the Ministers. The NLC convention was held to vote for key documents, which uphold the structures of splm, including the manifesto. How does the dismissal of these two persons destroy conflict resolution mechanisms? SPLM is composed of more than the 3 – the Political Bureau, the National Convention and the NLC are all existing ‘conflict resolution’ structures. I believe these rebels should have been responsible enough to use the party structures to resolve any issues within the SPLM, up to drumming up enough support to dismiss the chairperson, if they deemed this necessary.
This, then, is neither an attempted coup nor a rebel attempt to take over government. It is, rather, an attempt by the top leader of the government to forestall a vote of no confidence in his leadership, by dismantling all structures of accountability in a bid to usurp power.”
While it is questionable that this started as a coup, the fact that Machar has stated that his aims and the rebels aims are to overthrow the current government, and has threatened to overrun the capital means that this is now essentially a coup. His speaking about diverting oil revenues from Juba and directly negotiating with Khartoum brings to memory 1991- and again, given that people have lost lives, and fled their homes, really makes us wonder where his priorities lie. It is a bit dismissive of the rebels stated aims to discount that their stated intentions have been to overthrow the government of south sudan is contradictory.
“Internally, to call for power sharing in South Sudan is to ignore a central fact: rather than a conflict between two powers, this conflict resulted from a split in the power. So the problem is how to reconstitute that power.”
I agree with this. The events of the past few weeks are about political ambitions and a fight to gain power and illustrate internal splits within the SPLM- and in my opinion a lack of vision/ leadership within the party. This was accelerated because neither group has garnered the necessary majority to overthrow the other group through existing mechanism- either by pushing through a no confidence vote at the NLC meeting or through parliament. That one group then chose to use alternate means to gain power or credibility- using the excuse that a war will result in a more democratic South Sudan – is a pity- and should be excoriated.
The elections are/were to be held in 2015. South Sudan desperately needs an opposition/ alternative party to the SPLM. Most of us would have preferred to see a viable alternative come from the disgruntled elements. South Sudan does not need an ethnic-based fight for power because of the ambitions of a few individuals. Neither does South Sudan need the irresponsible reporting by the international media that has made this into a Dinka-led government and a Nuer-led insurgency, at the expense of the political divisions that have resulted in this crisis.
And this is not a widespread endorsement of the presidency of Salva Kiir- there have been numerous disappointments. However, I include this group of rebels as being part of the problem and not a solution. Machar as VP has overseen the widespread corruption that has been endemic in South Sudan he cannot divorce himself from this and lay all the blame on Kiir.  All these parties have been sleeping in the same bed.
The way forward right now is for all parties to lay down arms. While they are busy playing political chess games at the Sheraton in Addis, thousands have died, hundreds of thousands have fled their homes, and are living in dire straits in IDP camps, and widespread fear is a reality for the majority of Junubin.  An investigation into the events of Dec 15th, and subsequent events –including any human rights violations- and following judicial due process is necessary for accountability. South Sudan is a republic. The Government of South Sudan, regardless of whatever issues with the direction taken, is still a democratically elected government. Let us follow due process of the law. If the majority of us are unhappy with the government or presidency- we should be talking about impeachment- not civil war.
Here are additional viewpoints:

*I need to write about media coverage of events. Al Jazeera has been completely irresponsible- no wonder their correspondent was expelled from Juba. They are not the only ones. It feels like the media has been wishing for a genocide to happen. Reporting has been wishful thinking, at best.

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