South Sudan: No Solution In Sight

The situation in South Sudan has gone from being disturbing to being downright depressing. There is no end in sight and no solution apparent. IGAD offers no hope

We keep hearing the same rhetoric from the both sides

-                                           Opposition: ‘We are fighting because Nuer were killed in Juba Dec 16^th – 17^th’

o   Apparently they believe that 7,000 Nuer died during those two days. It is unclear where this number comes from. Considering that that it is reported that 10,000 people have died in this conflict - a number which has not changed since early January meaning that those who have died in the clashes in Malakal, Bor, Bentiu, and now Warrap state are not being counted - this figure remains grossly inflated. This claim is that 70% of deaths happened in Juba in two days. And only 30% so far in the other states.

o   Even if we agree that this is the actual figure,  they need to inform of us of how many bodies they want to count before they are sated. We can’t revenge to perpetuity. 

o   The government: this was an attempted coup, those responsible must be brought to court– but the govt has failed (to date) to bring these suspects to trial.  This needs to happen as soon as possible- and the IGAD mediated talks should prioritize establishing an independent court system to try the accused. Otherwise, even if there is a trial, none of us will believe the outcome,, because we do not have an independent judiciary.

o   What is extremely disappointing so far, is that while we try and cloak this situation into a political crisis, there has not been any ‘political’ demands made. What is the end result of all this? Accomodation? to make south sudan a more viable, democratic and free state? Really? By killing us and forcing us to flee our homes. Let us do better.

All the solutions provided so far, in my opinion will not provide results. Not when one side’s demand is that, ‘Kiir must go’ – which, without the popular support of the majority of South Sudanese is not even a demand, merely a reaction.

And the other side? Well, in this situation I’m not sure what the government’s demands are- except an end to hostilities/ violence. And that they want to try those accused of treason – even though there has not been any serious attempts at ensuring they will receive a fair day in court.

So?  I am frustrated. Every time I read of recapturing of a town by either side- this is not a moment for celebration, regardless of whom we support. We do not hear how many civilian (or even military) deaths have resulted in the achievement of this end goal. In fact, we still do not know how many of our people have died since the beginning of this situation. We know for certain that it is more than the 10,000 being peddled.

Not that I have any solutions either (yes, im as bad as all the pundits.) I feel that this situation will only end when one side overcomes the other. Therefore we should stop wasting our time in Addis Ababa, should formally declare a return to hostilities, and the rest of us will continue to count the dead and wait.

I will say this however; the opposition has failed to show us what constituency they are representing- except that of like-minded persons. We do not even know what % of the population this is – and I fear that it is a minority. In that case… they are not legitimate torchbearers.  I still do not understand what their claims to legitimacy are- democracy is not what they want to define it as.

I do know however, that several things need to happen in the interim

1.     The persons accused of treason need to be tried – in an open court - so that we are all privy to the ‘evidence’ provided and arguments contrary to – by open this means that the deliberations have to be available to the public at large. This cannot be a kangaroo court, therefore we need to establish mechanisms for judicial due process that meets acceptable standards

2.     There needs to be an investigation to the events of Dec 15^th and 16^th. This must happen sooner rather than later, and the longer we wait, the harder it will be to determine responsibility. An accusation of state sanctioned killings is serious, and while the government denies this, unless it is established that it was not party to any extra-judicial killings, this will remain a scar to its credibility. This needs to be cleared up. We will also need to understand what happens if the government is found wanting. What happens next?  How do we hold our elected representatives accountable?

3.     There will need to be investigations into what has happened since Dec 16^th. Atrocities have been committed on both sides, we have seen the use of children in military conflict, and we have seen unnecessary civilian deaths. I am not sure how we will even begin to hold those responsible accountable – unless we focus on holding the leadership accountable and instituting traditional mechanisms for restitution and conflict resolution for the (other) majority of actors involved. I do not believe in amnesty in this particular situation. That has not worked very well for us – but I also do not want to see children who have been used as pawns be the only ones who pay for their ignorance and stupidity.

4.     There needs to be serious discussion on how those displaced (including those in UNMISS Juba) are going to return to their homes, in safety and without fear of death or retribution. We also need to discuss compensation for those who have lost livelihoods, primary care-takers, homes, etc.

5.     We need elections, and soon. Currently the elections are tied to the constitutional requirement that a census be held prior to. I fear this will be used to postpone elections past 2015 and will not help the situation at all. The voter registration lists can be used as a population baseline without need for a comprehensive count. I do agree that we need a census – just not for this particular thing.

6.     Instead of discussing power sharing, we need to determine what the majority of south Sudanese want – and this can only happen through free and fair elections.  There needs to be a space for competition on an equitable level- this is difficult given the emotional and historical hold the SPLM party name has on the majority of us. Perhaps we need political parties without the various iterations of SPLM name. Unfortunately, with on-going conflict, it will be difficult to conduct grassroots campaigns- which is sorely needed. Therefore elections remain tied to an end of the violence.

7.      After all is said and done we do need a credible constitutional review process. But first we need to agree on the definition of a constitution; either it is an agreement between political parties- therefore involves none of the rest of us (as the current head of the review process believes- and he also has the ridiculous notion that as the majority of us south Sudanese are illiterate, we do not need to be consulted- as though literacy is the only marker for intelligence) or we agree that it is a contract between government and its citizenry (which is the current shift in thought).  If it is an agreement between political parties, then it does not need to begin, “we the people of South Sudan”. However, regardless of the definition, those involved in the process must be vetted, not political appointees. They must still represent the interests of the country, and not that of a majority party or individuals. The deadline for the process needs to be reviewed in order to have an agreement as to the processes involved in finalizing a constitution we can all live with.

8.      Add on other thoughts here….

http://africanarguments.org/2014/02/19/in-south-sudan-courts-and-justice-are-essential-for-peace-a-reply-to-mbeki-and-mamdani-by-matthew-leriche/

http://africanarguments.org/2014/02/19/in-south-sudan-courts-and-justice-are-essential-for-peace-a-reply-to-mbeki-and-mamdani-by-matthew-leriche/

Homage To Killed Chiefs Of Unity State

this is just sad. Ive been talking about the Wunlit peace process, then i read this....

Melting Of Traditional Glue: Homage To Killed Chiefs Of Unity State

"They opted to abandon politicians from their own ethnic groups in the name of peace and coexistence. Through their collaboration with the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) Wunlit Peace Conference was convened and the “People-to-People” peace initiative was born."

11 February 2014

 By Machien Luoi

(Gurtong Edited/Published)-South Sudan traditional authorities (Chiefs, Kings and Queens) are an embodiment of peace and stability at the grass-roots. They are the glue that connects our citizens to the government and augurs ‘people –to- people’ relations across ethnic folds. Although artificially created by British colonial rule, institution of traditional authorities has served our people positively. Traditional leaders have been the bedrock for which our resistance against colonial powers and opposition against the Sudanese-Arab state were anchored. It is unfortunate that during peace, which they struggled to achieve, they are chucked aside and forgotten. It is sad that in crisis such as the ongoing one in our country, they are murdered in cold blood without any remorse.

On February 07, 2014 – Panyijiar County woke up to a surprise attack by elements of the army accompanied by armed civilians descending from the direction of Lakes State. In that attack 29 people were killed, amongst them were old persons, women and children. Scores were wounded and many remain missing. The belligerents burned down what could burn and made it away with unknown herds of livestock. In that incident most prominent retired Paramount Chiefs and very influential elders in Nyuong Community were among the dead.

The writer who has known the two Chiefs and who worked with them recently is saddened by this sad news. This opinion article highlights significance of our Chiefs and traditional leaders. Most importantly, it is homage to these Chiefs (Late Chiefs Keah Tut Ngoal and Kerubino Nyuon Yar Buol) of Panyijiar County - Unity State, who met their death on February 07, 2014.

It is to be recalled that during our liberation war with Sudan’s Islamic-Arab state, between 1983 and 2004, our Chiefs and traditional leaders were the source of food, recruits and other resources for the SPLA. I was conscripted to the SPLM/A as a child by a chief and so were many men across the country. In the villages, SPLA collected taxes and fines in terms of grains, livestock and poultry, but could not be successful doing it without the consent or influence of the Chiefs.

Additionally, when judicial vacuums in the liberation structures were spotted, Chiefs were co-opted and acted as judges in their localities. This was clarified during the SPLM/A convention in 1994 where Chiefs were mandated to serve as judges at local levels. As leaders in their communities, chiefs were a source of information on positions of the enemy. They were basically the maps we needed for navigation. We relied on them to path-find our ways through jungles and arid areas of our country when insecurity engulfed much of our society. They were charged with responsibility to accommodate SPLA in their homes, sometimes getting displaced for longer time.

When the army was out numbered in some battles with the enemy, Chiefs and elders mobilized their youths to fight alongside SPLA against the enemy. Many of them offered their daughters to poor SPLA as wives for free understanding that the army had no dowry to pay.

Chiefs Keah Tut and Kerubino Nyuon were amongst war-time contributors to our struggle. War veterans from Muormuor, Koryom, Kazuk, Zalzal and even Intifadha who were accommodated and passed through Nyuong Nuer territory would remember these men for their contributions. Even the sons of the Nuba and Blue Niles States who came down through Nyuong territory could testify to their support. These late Chiefs and those still alive are our heroes.

In peace, they were on ‘cross-fire’ mitigating conflicts between their own constituents as well as between their communities and SPLA when disputes arose. After the 1991 SPLM/A split, Nuer and Dinka Chiefs were keen to put the conflict to bed. Between June 1998 and February 1999, Chiefs from these two communities met in Lokichoggio and in Wunlit in Warrap State to condemn the ethnic militarization of the split. They opted to abandon politicians from their own ethnic groups in the name of peace and coexistence. Through their collaboration with the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) Wunlit Peace Conference was convened and the “People-to-People” peace initiative was born.

Later, the conference was replicated across South Sudan. “People-to-People” peace process is today credited for creating conditions which culminated to the merger of SPLM/A warring factions in 2002 and for laying the foundation for unified communities to support the Naivasha peace process. Chiefs Keak Tut & Kerubino Nyuon were among the founders of the Wunlit Peace initiative. In fact one of the Wunlit Peace Council offices was built and is now located at Panyijiar County where they were killed on February 07, 2014.

After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed on January 09, 2005, Chiefs continued their unwavering support to the SPLM and autonomous Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS). On May 2009 a Chiefs, Kings and Queens’ national conference was convened in Bentiu Unity State under the theme, “Together Toward our Destiny.” At the time, CPA was under scrutiny, a disputed national census concluded a year earlier, shaky and nerve wrecking elections were looming and somewhat uncertain in 2010, and a referendum on our right to self-determination was less than two years away, but our resolve to get there needed assurances from our grass-roots.

In the Chiefs, Kings and Queens’ Conference, the participants confirmed their commitment to Unity of our people and declared unanimous support to our government in Juba in getting us to our “destiny.” The elders pledged their undivided allegiance to the leadership to complete our liberation mission. Chief Keah Tut had retired from the active duty by that time, but Chief Kerubino Nyuon Yar was among the participants. I had the opportunity to attend the event, witnessed the enthusiasm, joy of grass-root unity and support to our nationhood as displayed by the leaders who were from all corners of South Sudan. Grass-roots support to the SPLM government in Juba continued through to the elections.

Chiefs Keah Tut and Kerubino Nyuon were die-hard supporters of the status quo against challengers, who happened to be other political parties or Independent candidates. It is needless to mention that these chiefs were alert about the risk of handing GOSS leadership to parties not signatory to the CPA. They knew what would jeopardize implementation of the agreement to the “letter and spirit,” mindful of the National Congress Party (NCP) behavior at that time.

The two Chiefs were at odds with many including their own relatives. I can recall Chief Kerubino Nyuon wearing a white T-shirt with picture of President Salva Kiir wearing his Cowboy hat on and marked “Vote for Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit!” Their own lives and their sons who stood with them were threatened. Some politicians are still bitter and hold grudges against them for their support to the SPLM leaders and government in that election.

During the referendum for separation of South Sudan, these Chiefs mobilized Nyuong community to vote for independence of South Sudan. Based on statistics which are available in Referendum archives, there was only one (1) person out of the whole county population that voted for Unity of Sudan. The individual was later found to be an old person who had been confused by the signs on the ballot box.

We finally had our nation on July 09, 2011 and mission accomplished.

Again in April 2012 Sudan invaded our territories on the northern borders. The elders mobilized Nyuong Community to send in more than 75 cows, bags of mangos, sugarcanes, bundled dry fish in sacks, chickens and other items to support the army fighting in Panthou (Heglig), Panakuach, Jau and Techwin. Chief Kerubino Nyuon Yar was a crucial asset in that mobilization.

While on the Unity State and Lakes State relations, Chiefs Kerubino Nyuon worked closely with his counter-parts to bridge the ethnic divide, crackdown criminal activities of youths and inspire people to trade across state borders. Most often getting support from international NGOS working in peace building, conflict mitigation and community security control to get his people live in peace with neighbors.

The Two Chiefs are well known to Lakes State Caretaker Governor Matur Chut Dhuol and to Justice Advisor to the President, Mr. Telar Ring Deng Takpiny. With regards to their contributions to peace, this writer witnessed and participated in more than three conferences between 2010 and 2012 in Rumbek where Chief Kerubino Nyuon Yar was engaged in peace initiatives with his colleagues. Not to forget that no single cow stolen by Nyuong youths that was returned to Lakes State without hard work of Chief Kerubino Nyuon Yar.

Today, Tradition authorities, continue to deal with a lot of cases involving theft, murder, rape and other conflicts than the well paid lawyers in the State Capitals and National Courts in Juba. They are the machinery that operates the traditional customary law systems reaching people our elites have lost touch with.

Despite their unequivocal contributions during war and in the last nine years, these true leaders have not received anything better in return. During the war, Chiefs were punitively punished by the SPLA Commanders. They were gruesomely reprimanded for lack of efficiency in collecting food, gathering recruits and not satisfying other demands of the armed men. In the hands of their own communities, they were held accountable for recruits to the army and victimized for loses suffered in the hands of the SPLA.

After installation of GOSS, some of them lost their jobs. Those who retained it were forgotten kept in dark, only needed when their political support matters. Many of them today remain unpaid, often expected to find resources through court cases they preside over. Moreover, they have no pension-reward system plan.

Once done with services, they are expected to fend for themselves despite that their physical strength has left them. They are met by poverty right on their doors. Many of them can’t afford to send their children to schools or afford a health care assistance. Life has not changed for their children who continue to be plagued by malnutrition and vulnerability to diseases. Although cases they deal with are sensitive, Chiefs remain unprotected and vulnerable to murder by their own subjects. Other times, they get relieved from their positions without due cause only to watch their jobs assigned to relatives and confidents of the political elites.

At times, Chiefs come face to face with harassment by government authorities for speaking out against unbecoming treatment of their subjects or themselves. Their working conditions remain remote and most often not prioritized for improvement by governing elites.  Many of them continue to operate under trees. Worse of all, we murder them in cold blood when our tribal demons are aroused. Chiefs are killed when our ethnic tensions flare as if they started such conflicts.

To conclude, if our Chiefs and elders were judged by their contributions to our liberation, peace and stability, they would deserve better treatment and protection from the government they nurtured. When they are killed and wiped out, we are denied grass-roots wisdom and influence needed to keep our societies together and strong.

Mistreatment of traditional authorities and their eventual disappearance from the society is regrettable and marks the melting away of the traditional glue that binds us together with government and across ethnic lines.

Obviously, in the view of current South Sudan crisis, Chiefs Keah Tut & Kerubino Nyuon Yar will have been resourceful in Wunlit Triangle Peace. They will be greatly missed in Nyuong Community. Their contributions to “People- to-People” peace across the borders with Lakes State remain one of their greatest achievements. Dear Chiefs Keah Tut and Kerubino Nyuon Yar, may your souls Rest In Peace (R.I.P).

The author is a South Sudanese and can be reached at dhuretingting@gmail.com

*Perhaps we need to retire the name, SPLM

The Sudan’s People Liberation Movement (SPLM) encompasses all South Sudanese. We all feel that we contributed and made the necessary sacrifices that resulted in our sovereignty in July 2011. That means that for us, SPLM belongs to each and every one of us.

After the CPA, SPLM was transformed into (what would be one of many)/ a political party.   This has raised questions– what happens to those who form or join other political parties, but still want recognition for their involvement in the liberation struggle?  How to form strong/ viable alternative parties to the SPLM, when we know that the majority of Junubin strongly associate with SPLM, and will therefore vote SPLM- regardless of whomever else is on the ballot? How does one begin grassroots political education to introduce other viewpoints? And lastly, how will we ever distinguish between the political party and Government when even ‘intellectuals’ mish-mash the two? (E.g. there is little distinction between the SPLM constitution – which governs the actions of SPLM party members, and that of the chairman – and the transitional constitution of the RSS, which governs the executive and, all of us, in a number of articles that I have read).

What we have seen instead - is a reluctance to part with the SPLM connection- instead we see various iterations of the name e.g. SPLM-DC and now (surprisingly) SPLM-iO.  Perhaps during every political crisis, there will be more of the same since this seems to be the trend – affix SPLM and this apparently gives some semblance of credibility.

Name-recognition is critical in politics.

Perhaps we need a new social contract. We are now liberated. We are the RSS. It is time to look forward, and not the time to continue relying on a legacy

(E,g. why keep asking - where were you during the war? We should be asking, where is your contribution to nation-building now?)

We need to honourably retire the name SPLM. I’m not saying forget the struggle or the SPLM – that would be disrespectful and ahistorical.

But this (I feel), will level the playing ground - it will mean candidates having to campaign at the grassroots level, to introduce their party name, politics, vision, etc. in order to get that recognition during the election process.  Instead of relying on the SPLM name.

We would also need to put an indefinite moratorium on party names that have ‘liberation’ (we are already liberated), ‘resistance’ (there are democratic means to settle differences- building strong institutions means that we need to follow these democratic processes- and allow for their existence.), ‘opposition’ (if you are not the ruling party- then you are automatically the opposition party. Putting opposition in your name does not make you more ‘opposition’)… and Im sure there are others we can start to list.

*The first time a friend mentioned that we need to give up the name SPLM – which was sometime last year – I was very annoyed at the suggestion. “What do you mean abandon the name? This is our legacy… never. Why should we give it up? I have since become convinced – especially because I now recognize that this is not the same as forgetting. I also fear that we will come a point in time when the SPLM name is diminished due to politics – I am thinking KANU after 40 years, and Moi’s regime.

back to juba... (definitely not back to normal)

The morose anonymous and I are terrible bloggers.

I am supposed to write about day to day life in juba and here ive been ranting and raving politics since….

I came back to Juba yesterday (I was gone from Dec 13^th)

And yes, the airport is still the worst ‘international’ airport experience 

and yes, immigration officials still try as hard as they can to be as rude as possible

and take up a whole page on your passport 

and you still have to open up your suitcases so everyone can look at what you have packed, and sometimes you have to watch your underwear being mishandled :o(

Driving down the streets yesterday - pretty quiet, much less traffic (one good thing to grasp at, since majority of us cant drive but we insist), and the curfew is lifted

The neighbourhood guys still line up their chairs on both sides of the road, sit and drink chai, smoke shisha, argue and talk for hours and hours

(sometimes its more than 20 guys cold chilling.)
Its hard to imagine there’s an idp camp down the road from the airport.

This morning, I was driving into Juba town and drove past the president’s residence

This (for me) was the first sign that something was amiss

Two pick-up trucks one at each end of the block, each with a machine gun which is loaded with (huge) bullets and, I assume, is armed and ready (godforbid)

Many soldiers (commandos, as i was told) standing around or sitting (in a bus stop no less), 

a number of camouflaged trucks, place is lined up with army

My first thought was, we really have destroyed our country.

This should never be happening after our liberation.